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Conspiracy theory
The term "conspiracy theory" is used by scholars and in popular culture to identify a type of folklore similar to an urban legend, having certain regular features, especially an explanatory narrative which is constructed with certain naive methodological flaws. The term is also used pejoratively to dismiss allegedly misconceived, paranoid or outlandish rumors.
Most people who have their theory or speculation labeled a "conspiracy theory" reject the term as prejudicial.
Overview
The term "conspiracy theory" may be a neutral descriptor for a conspiracy claim. However, conspiracy theory is also used to indicate a narrative genre that includes a broad selection of (not necessarily related) arguments for the existence of grand conspiracies, any of which might have far-reaching social and political implications if true.
Whether or not a particular conspiracy allegation may be impartially or neutrally labeled a conspiracy theory is subject to some controversy. If legitimate uses of the label are admitted, they work by identifying structural features in the story in question which correspond to those features listed below.
Features
Allegations exhibiting several of the following features are candidates for classification as conspiracy theories. Confidence in such classification improves the more such features are exhibited:
1. Initiated on the basis of limited, partial or circumstantial evidence;
Conceived in reaction to media reports and images, as opposed to, for example, thorough knowledge of the relevant forensic evidence.
2. Addresses an event or process that has broad historical or emotional impact;
Seeks to interpret a phenomenon which has near-universal interest and emotional significance, a story that may thus be of some compelling interest to a wide audience.
3. Reduces morally complex social phenomena to simple, immoral actions;
Impersonal, institutional processes, especially errors and oversights, interpreted as malign, consciously intended and designed by immoral individuals.
4. Personifies complex social phenomena as powerful individual conspirators;
Related to (3) but distinct from it, deduces the existence of powerful individual conspirators from the 'impossibility' that a chain of events lacked direction by a person.
5. Allots superhuman talents or resources to conspirators;
May require conspirators to possess unique discipline, unrepentant resolve, advanced or unknown technology, uncommon psychological insight, historical foresight, unlimited resources, etc.
6. Key steps in argument rely on inductive, not deductive reasoning;
Inductive steps are mistaken to bear as much confidence as deductive ones.
7. Appeals to 'common sense';
Common sense steps substitute for the more robust, academically respectable methodologies available for investigating sociological and scientific phenomena.
8. Exhibits well-established logical and methodological fallacies;
Formal and informal logical fallacies are readily identifiable among the key steps of the argument.
9. Is produced and circulated by 'outsiders', often anonymous, and generally lacking peer review;
Story originates with a person who lacks any insider contact or knowledge, and enjoys popularity among persons who lack critical (especially technical) knowledge.
10. Is upheld by persons with demonstrably false conceptions of relevant science;
At least some of the story's believers believe it on the basis of a mistaken grasp of elementary scientific facts.
11. Enjoys zero credibility in expert communities;
Academics and professionals tend to ignore the story, treating it as too frivolous to invest their time and risk their personal authority in disproving.
12. Rebuttals provided by experts are ignored or accommodated through elaborate new twists in the narrative;
When experts do respond to the story with critical new evidence, the conspiracy is elaborated (sometimes to a spectacular degree) to discount the new evidence, often incorporating the rebuttal as a part of the conspiracy.'
Origins of conspiracy theories
Humans naturally respond to events or situations which have had an emotional impact upon them by trying to make sense of those events, typically in spiritual, moral, political, or scientific terms.
Events which seem to resist such interpretation—for example, because they are, in fact, unexplainable—may provoke the inquirer to look harder for a meaning, until one is reached that is capable of offering the inquirer the required emotional satisfaction. As sociological historian Holger Herwig found in studying German explanations of World War I:
Those events that are most important are hardest to understand, because they attract the greatest attention from mythmakers and charlatans.
This normal process could be diverted by a number of influences. At the level of the individual, pressing psychological needs may influence the process, and certain of our universal mental tools may impose epistemic 'blind spots'. At the group or sociological level, historic factors may make the process of assigning satisfactory meanings more or less problematic.
Psychological origins
When conspiracy theories combine logical fallacies with lack of evidence, the result is a worldview known as conspiracism. Conspiracism is a world view that sees major historic events and trends as the result of secret conspiracies. According to many psychologists, a person who believes in one conspiracy theory is often a believer in other conspiracy theories.
Psychologists believe that the search for meaningfulness features largely in conspiracism and the development of conspiracy theories. That desire alone may be powerful enough to lead to the initial formulation of the idea. Once cognized, confirmation bias and avoidance of cognitive dissonance may reinforce the belief. In a context where a conspiracy theory has become popular within a social group, communal reinforcement may equally play a part.
Evolutionary psychology may also play a significant role. Paranoid tendencies are associated with an animal's ability to recognize danger. Higher animals attempt to construct mental models of the thought processes of both rivals and predators in order to read their hidden intentions and to predict their future behavior. Such an ability is extremely valuable in sensing and avoiding danger in an animal community. If this danger-sensing ability should begin making false predictions, or be triggered by benign evidence, or otherwise become pathological, the result is paranoid delusions. A conspiracy theorist sees danger everywhere, and may simply be the victim of a malfunction in a valuable and evolutionarily-old natural ability.
Epistemic bias?
It is possible that certain basic human epistemic biases are projected onto the material under scrutiny. According to one study humans apply a 'rule of thumb' by which we expect a significant event to have a significant cause. The study offered subjects four versions of events, in which a foreign president was (a) successfully assassinated, (b) wounded but survived, (c) survived with wounds but died of a heart attack at a later date, and (d) was unharmed. Subjects were significantly more likely to suspect conspiracy in the case of the 'major events'—in which the president died—than in the other cases, despite all other evidence available to them being equal.
Another epistemic 'rule of thumb' that can be misapplied to a mystery involving other humans is cui bono? (who stands to gain?). This sensitivity to the hidden motives of other people might be either an evolved or an encultured feature of human consciousness, but either way it appears to be universal. If the inquirer lacks access to the relevant facts of the case, or if there are structural interests rather than personal motives involved, this method of inquiry will tend to produce a falsely conspiratorial account of an impersonal event. The direct corollary of this epistemic bias in pre-scientific cultures is the tendency to imagine the world in terms of animism. Inanimate objects or substances of significance to humans are fetishised and supposed to harbor benign or malignant spirits.
Clinical psychology
For relatively rare individuals, an obsessive compulsion to believe, prove or re-tell a conspiracy theory may indicate one or more of several well-understood psychological conditions, and other hypothetical ones: paranoia, denial, schizophrenia, Mean world syndrome.
Sociopolitical origins
Christopher Hitchens represents conspiracy theories as the 'exhaust fumes of democracy', the unavoidable result of a large amount of information circulating among a large number of people. Other social commentators and sociologists argue that conspiracy theories are produced according to variables which may change within a democratic (or other type of) society.
Conspiratorial accounts can be emotionally satisfying when they place events in a readily-understandable, moral context. The subscriber to the theory is able to assign moral responsibility for an emotionally troubling event or situation to a clearly-conceived group of individuals. Crucially, that group does not include the believer. The believer may then feel excused any moral or political responsibility for remedying whatever institutional or societal flaw might be the actual source of the dissonance. Alternatively, believers may find themselves committed to a type of activism, to expose the alleged conspirators; see, for example, the 9/11 Truth Movement.
Where responsible behavior is prevented by social conditions, or is simply beyond the ability of an individual, the conspiracy theory facilitates the emotional discharge or closure which such emotional challenges (after Erving Goffman) require. Like moral panics, conspiracy theories thus occur more frequently within communities which are experiencing social isolation or political disempowerment.
Mark Fenster argues that "just because overarching conspiracy theories are wrong does not mean they are not on to something. Specifically, they ideologically address real structural inequities, and constitute a response to a withering civil society and the concentration of the ownership of the means of production, which together leave the political subject without the ability to be recognized or to signify in the public realm".
For example, the modern form of anti-Semitism is identified in Britannica 1911 as a conspiracy theory serving the self-understanding of the European aristocracy, whose social power waned with the rise of bourgeois society.
A particularly political individual or group may respond skeptically or cynically towards an event or process which does not fit with his/its existing worldview. For example, a neo-Nazi or an anti-Israeli organization such as Hizbollah might promote claims of Jewish involvement in 9/11 in order to incorporate that event into its own political narrative in a manner compatible to meeting its own ends.
Disillusionment
In the late 20th century, Western societies increasingly experienced a process of disengagement, disaffection or disillusionment with traditional political institutions among their general populations. Falling election participation and declines in other key metrics of social engagement were noted by several observers. For a prominent example, see Robert D. Putnam's Bowling Alone thesis. Those who were most influenced by this period, the so-called "Generation X," are characterized by their cynicism towards traditional institutions and authorities, offering a case example of the context of political disempowerment detailed above.
In that context, a typical individual will tend to be more isolated from the kinds of peer networks which grant access to broad sources of information, and may instinctively distrust any statement or claim made by certain people, media and other authority-bearing institutions. For some individuals, the consequence may be a tendency to attribute anything bad that happens to the distrusted authority. For example, some people attribute the September 11, 2001 attacks to a conspiracy involving the
Media tropes
Media commentators regularly note a tendency in news media and wider culture to understand events through the prism of individual agents, as opposed to more complex structural or institutional accounts. If this is a true observation, it may be expected that the audience which both demands and consumes this emphasis itself is more receptive to personalized, dramatic accounts of social phenomena.
A second, perhaps related, media trope is the effort to allocate individual responsibility for negative events. The media have a tendency to start to seek culprits if an event occurs that is of such significance that it does not drop off the news agenda within a few days. Of this trend, it has been said that the concept of a pure accident is no longer permitted in a news item . Again, if this is a true observation, it may be expected to reflect a real change in how the media consumer perceives negative events.
Controversies
Aside from controversies over the merits of particular conspiracy claims, and the various differing academic opinions, the general category of conspiracy theory is itself a matter of some public contestation.
Usage
The term "conspiracy theory" is considered by different observers to be a neutral description for a conspiracy claim, a pejorative term used to dismiss such a claim, and a term that can be positively embraced by proponents of such a claim. The term may be used by some for arguments they might not wholly believe but consider radical and exciting. The most widely accepted sense of the term is that which popular culture and academic usage share, certainly having negative implications for a narrative's probable truth value.
Given this popular understanding of the term, it is conceivable that the term might be used illegitimately and inappropriately, as a means to dismiss what are in fact substantial and well-evidenced accusations. The legitimacy of each such usage will therefore be a matter of some controversy. Disinterested observers will compare an allegation's features with those of the category listed above, in order to determine whether a given usage is legitimate or prejudicial.
Certain proponents of conspiracy claims and their supporters argue that the term is entirely illegitimate, and should be considered just as politically manipulative as the Soviet practice of treating political dissidents as clinically insane. The term conspiracy theory is itself the object of a type of conspiracy theory, which argues that those using the term are manipulating their audience to disregard the topic under discussion, either in a deliberate attempt to conceal the truth, or as dupes of more deliberate conspirators.
When conspiracy theories are offered as official claims (e.g. originating from a governmental authority, such as an intelligence agency) they are not usually considered as conspiracy theories. For example, certain activities of the House Un-American Activities Committee may be considered to have been an official attempt to promote a conspiracy theory, yet its claims are seldom referred to as such.
The truth of a conspiracy theory
Perhaps the most contentious aspect of a conspiracy theory is the problem of settling a particular theory's truth to the satisfaction of both its proponents and its opponents. Particular accusations of conspiracy vary widely in their plausibility, but some common standards for assessing their likely truth value may be applied in each case:
Real conspiracies
On some occasions a particular accusation of conspiracy is found to be true (see for example, Emile Zola's accusations concerning the Dreyfus Affair). Where such success is due to sound investigative methodology, it is clear that it would not exhibit many of the compromising features identified as characteristic of conspiracy theory, and would thus not commonly be considered a 'Conspiracy theory'. In the case of the 1971 revelation of the FBI's COINTELPRO counter-intelligence work against domestic political activists, it is not clear to what extent a 'conspiracy theory' involving government agents was either proposed or dismissed prior to the programmer’s factual exposure.
Some argue that the reality of such conspiracies should caution against any casual dismissal of conspiracy theory. A number of true or possibly true conspiracies are cited in making this case; the Mafia, the Business Plot, MKULTRA, various CIA involvements in overseas coups d'état, Operation Northwoods, the Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male, the General Motors streetcar conspiracy and the Pearl Harbor advance-knowledge debate, among others.
Falsifiability
Karl Popper argued that science is written as a set of falsifiable hypotheses; metaphysical or unscientific theories and claims are those which do not admit any possibility for falsification. Critics of conspiracy theories sometimes argue that many of them are not falsifiable and so cannot be scientific. This accusation is often accurate, and is a necessary consequence of the logical structure of certain kinds of conspiracy theories. These take the form of uncircumscribed existential statements, alleging the existence of some action or object without specifying the place or time at which it can be observed. Failure to observe the phenomenon can then always be the result of looking in the wrong place or looking at the wrong time — that is, having been duped by the conspiracy. This makes impossible any demonstration that the conspiracy does not exist.
In his two volume work, The Open Society & Its Enemies, 1938–1943 Popper used the term "conspiracy theory" to criticize the ideologies driving fascism, Nazism and communism. Popper argued that totalitarianism was founded on "conspiracy theories" which drew on imaginary plots driven by paranoid scenarios predicated on tribalism, racism or classism. Popper did not argue against the existence of everyday conspiracies (as incorrectly suggested in much of the later literature). Popper even uses the term "conspiracy" to describe ordinary political activity in the classical Athens of Plato (who was the principal target of his attack in The Open Society & Its Enemies).
In response to this objection to conspiracy theories, some argue that no political or historical theory can be scientific by Popper's criterion because none reliably generate testable predictions. In fact, Popper himself rejected the claims of Marxism and psychoanalysis to scientific status on precisely this basis. This does not necessarily mean that either conspiracy theory, Marxism, or psychoanalysis are baseless, irrational, and false; it does suggest that if they are false there is no way to prove it .
Falsifiability has been widely criticised for misrepresenting the actual process of scientific discovery by a number of scholars, notably paradigm theorists and Popper's former students Thomas Kuhn, Paul Feyerabend, and Imre Lakatos. Within epistemological circles, falsifiability is not now considered a tenable criterion for determining scientific status, although it remains popular.
References
American Heritage Dictionary, "Conspiracy theory"
Barkun, Michael. 2003. A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary
Chase, Alston. 2003. Harvard and the Unabomber: The Education of an American Terrorist.
Fenster, Mark. 1999. Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture.
Goldberg, Robert Alan. 2001. Enemies Within: The Culture of Conspiracy in Modern
Hofstadter, Richard. 1965. The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays.
Melley, Timothy. 1999. Empire of Conspiracy: The Culture of Paranoia in Postwar
Mintz, Frank P. 1985. The
Pipes, Daniel. 1997. Conspiracy: How the Paranoid Style Flourishes and Where It Comes from.
---. 1998. The Hidden Hand:
Popper, Karl R. 1945. The Open Society and Its Enemies.
Posner, Gerald. 1993. Case Closed: Lee Harvey Oswald and the Assassination of JFK.
Sagan, Carl. 1996. The Demon-Haunted World: Science as a Candle in the Dark.
Vankin, Jonathan, and John Whalen. 2004. The 80 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time.
Yes, Virginia, there are government conspiracies. They exist as certainly as greed and ambition and lust for power exist. At the present time and for all to see, some of the highest officials of this land have agreed upon the telling of a lie. That agreement is a conspiracy by any definition or interpretation of the word. The Secretary of State told the lie to the United Nations. The Vice President pressured the CIA to go along with the lie. The President spoke the lie to the world. Others participated as well, particularly in that same mainstream media that blinds and deafens your little friends. They participated willingly, taking part in the conspiracy in exchange for favors from those same officials.
Nobody lies without reason. Nobody conspires with others to lie without reason. And the purpose of this particular conspiracy to lie was to start a war that nobody but a few rich and powerful leaders wanted, to spend our money and to send forth our children to invade an impoverished and helpless nation whose only worth was that it was, as a Defense Official described it, "swimming in oil". There can be be no more vile a lie than that used to send a nation to war, nor no more dark a war than that waged for profit. This conspiracy committed both crimes.
Yes, Virginia, there are government conspiracies. And the biggest government conspiracy of all is the claim that there are no government conspiracies. Because government conspiracies are creatures of the dark places. They function best when invisible and deniable. But not this time. This time the conspiracy is in the light for all to see. The lie is known, the tellers of that lie identified, their cooperation and collusion plain for the world to see. The lie is beyond question. So too is the conspiracy to lie.
So for all those times you wondered if there was a government conspiracy and your friends shouted you down saying that there were no government conspiracies, now you know they were wrong. You know that if the claim that there are no government conspiracies was their sole argument, that they did not have any real argument at all. Knowing that government conspiracies unquestionable exist, your little-minded friends can no longer claim that there was no government conspiracy to kill John F. Kennedy because government conspiracies don't exist. Your little-minded friends can no longer claim that there was no government conspiracy to kill Robert F. Kennedy because government conspiracies don't exist. Your little-minded friends can no longer claim that there was no government conspiracy to kill Martin Luther King, or Vince Foster or Ron Brown because government conspiracies don't exist. Your little-minded friends can no longer claim that there was no government conspiracy to cover-up the real cause of the TWA 800 crash because government conspiracies don't exist. Your little-minded friends can no longer claim that there was no government conspiracy to blame Arabs for 9-11 because government conspiracies don't exist.
Because government conspiracies DO exist. Bush, Powell, Cheney, Blair, Rumsfeld, etc. et. al. have proved that reality before the world. And with that new awareness, every controversy that was ever dismissed solely on the claim that there are no government conspiracies can be, indeed must be, re-examined in the light of the knowledge that government conspiracies are a very real part of everyday life.
Yes, Virginia, there are government conspiracies. |
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CONSPIRACY NATION ~Lord Acton Germanic occultists, like the Ku Klux Klan, were in love with religious warriors, holy knights. They were disgusted with even-keel, post-enlightenment rationalism, which cut man off from his spiritual nature and turned him into a timid species of accountants and clerks. The Middle-Ages were their romantic ideal. Squalor, plague, ignorance, and malnutrition--endemic to the Middle Ages--meant nothing to these incipient Nazis. All they cared was that spirituality in those days was transcendent. Templars and Teutonic Knights were their heroes. In this German version of medieval mythos, the Grail was the pure blood of prehistoric gods, and it was carried by only one race, the Aryan. Everyone else was subhuman, Jews and nonwhites especially. The holy knights, according to this lore, were guardians of the Aryan bloodline. Aryans, the occultists believed, were descended from a race of giants who ruled earth long before recorded time. The super civilization had a Great Fall. Only Aryans perpetuate the holy heredity. Eight years after Lanz founded his New Templars, List started a group he called Armanen. He took the swastika as the Armanen emblem. In 1912, the two societies merged to form the Germanen Orden, direct forerunner to the Nazi party. While Hitler was still watercoloring postcards in Hitler's 1941 pogrom against occult groups is often mistakenly taken as evidence than the occult was at best an incidental influence on Nazism. The crackdown, in all likelihood, was damage control following the famous flight of Rudolf Hess, one of Hitler's closest confidants. Hess, for reasons still not entirely clear, stole a plane and made a solo flight without Hitler's knowledge to The Nazi government may have been based on occult principles, but it was not the only government with an interest in every secret thing. "We find it difficult to admit that Nazi Germany embodied the concepts of a civilization bearing no relationship at all to our own," note Louis Pauwels and Jacques Bergier. "And yet it was just that, and nothing else, that justified this war." Pauwels and Bergier wrote Morning of the Magicians, a book that aroused a fracas in the early 1960s by finding occultism seething beneath every layer of modern life, particularly in the Nazi era. While I'm not sure I endorse their view that "nothing else justified this war," their point is well taken: the war against the Nazis was not only a war for territory, money, or even power. It was a war to decide whether a "humanist" or a "magical" view of the universe would dominate planet earth. "This truth was hidden from us by German technology, German science and German organization, comparable if not superior to our own," says Morning of the Magicians. "The great innovation of Nazi Germany was to mix magic with science and technology." Both the American and Soviet governments wanted a taste of that toothsome mix. Once Hitler was safely beaten, they competed fiercely for the services of Nazi scientists. The The Paperclip Boys were the plasma of the military-industrial complex. Meanwhile, the newly formed CIA was busy recruiting SS spy-master Reinhard Gehlen and "Hitler's favorite commando" Otto "Scarface" Skorzeny. Under cover of Always the good Nazi, Skorzeny never gave up on the twisted dream of wiping out Jews. He set up the earliest Palestinian terrorist groups, trained them, and sent them on commando raids into The Nazi conspiracy rolls on. Nazi Germany, impregnated with occultism, was a state founded in conspiracy, by conspiracy, for conspiracy. A relatively small group of people with hidden motives, using propaganda, mind control, and terror, carried out a plan to take over a country and the world. The German secret societies succeeded in conjuring up a massive social transformation, at a staggering cost in human lives. The ever-present, grim irony of secret society revolutions, nowhere more evident than with the Nazis, is that the great transformation, while it may overturn governments, makes conditions secure for the hidden powerful. Secret society revolutions happen when the secret oligarchy feels threatened. The Thule Society was a magnet for rich businessmen and aristocrats, who provided it with considerable financial wherewithal to carry out its ambitious conspiratorial schemes. Without funding from big business, German and international, the Nazis never could have sprung from the Thulists' loins. "It is even partly true that Hitler was able to sell an evil idea like anti-Semitism simply because he had the support of wealthy contributors," say the authors of Who financed Hitler. Nazism was occultism, but it was also fascism; it carried out Mussolini's dictum "Fascism is corporatism." Craven Jew-hater Henry Ford, inventor of the automobile company if not the automobile, was such a doting patron of Hitler's that the Führer once offered to import some shock troops to the U.S. to help "Heinrich" run for president. Alfred Rosenberg, the Nazi party's sinister mystic laureate (his extreme racial theorizing was found by the Nuremburg tribunal to be so instrumental in Nazism that he was hanged), was friends with petroleum magnate Henri Deterding--managing director of Royal Dutch Shell and one of the world's richest men. Almost every major industrial concern in Germany, oil companies, agricultural firms, banks, and shipping companies, made sizable donations to Heinrich Himmler's Schutzstaffel, the SS, the Nazis' elite corps, which itself was fashioned as a secret society. I. G. Farben, the gargantuan chemical cartel, was one of the new Reich's stolid financial supporters. There was plenary profit in Nazism for Farben, and all of Hitler's corporate investors. The cartel's contributions were especially egregious. It manufactured Zyklon-B, a poison gas, for use in the gas chambers. Allen Dulles--who supplemented his legal income as a Himmler was immersed in occultism, but though he believed the stuff, he also used it as a method of mind control. When he began the corps, he needed a large membership to consolidate power. He recruited about sixty thousand. Membership was literally for sale to the wealthy, and "honorary" member-ship was available for as little as a mark per year. There was no way to unify such an unwieldy legion, so once the SS had established itself as the most powerful faction of the Nazi state, Himmler purged his rolls of anyone ideologically impure, or racially suspect (members had to draw up a family tree going back more than a century to prove their pure Aryan, non-Jewish, lineage). He also banished or killed all the SS homosexuals he could spot, and there were quite a few. The SS was still absent a coherent ideology to bind its remaining members in strict obedience. Himmler found one in his own neo-pagan beliefs. He renovated Himmlerian mind control didn't die when Himmler bit his cyanide capsule. While real live Nazis like Skorzeny and Gehlen frolicked about the world causing merry mischief, their younger admirers kept the occult spirit of Nazism alive in right-wing hate groups and Satanic cults. The popular image of right-wing "neo-Nazi" groups as Neanderthal thugs is somewhat misleading. The rank-and-file skinheads may be a little on the slow side, but the movement's leaders tend to be voracious readers, researchers, and theorists, after a fashion. Just as they are, perhaps correctly, the subject of conspiracy theories, they've developed anti-Jewish, anti-Masonic, Illuminati-style theories of their own that display an unsettling level of detail--all in the tradition of Thulian master-race paganism. White Aryan Resistance chieftain Tom Metzger--a regular on "Geraldo"-style daytime talk shows--is anti-Christian as well as predictably anti-Jewish. He and his skinhead disciples call themselves pagans, and adhere to the ancient Germanic religion. They find affinity in the "Christian Identity" religion, which began in Unlike the conspiracy theorists profiled in the first part of this book (with the possible exception of Lyndon LaRouche), Nazi and neo- Nazi groups use their conspiracy theories, like Himmler, as a technique of control, to mobilize a group to a common goal, to move people to actions they might not otherwise carry out. More brazenly occult variations on the same theory turn up in Satanic cults. The Manson family was portrayed in the mass media as a group of crazed hippies, of flower children gone mad. In the mass mind, Charles Manson is associated with the political left-ironic for a Hitler- worshipping racist. Like Hitler, who learned his oratorical skills at the knee of Dietrich Eckart, Manson picked up his powers of persuasion in the occult underground of Maury Terry's book The Ultimate Evil makes a case that the Process didn't die. Instead it faded away in a Satanic diaspora, forming offshoot cults that link into a loose nationwide conglomerate of dope dealing, S&M porn, and ritual murder. The Son of Sam killing spree that terrorized Here we get into the grayest of conspiratorial speculations, foggy even by the standards of conspiracy theory. Contentions that the intelligence community is somehow aligned with Satanism, using cults as indoctrination for mind-controlled robot assassins, are backed up by only gossamer strips of information. Milan's claim that the Manson family "took the contract" on Ford; Maury Terry's implication that New York police may have been in on the Son of Sam murders (taken together with known facts about the CIA's infiltration of big-city police departments); and the name of the drug dealer who led the Matamoros death cult, the nasty devil worshippers who murdered a med- school student in a Mexican shack a few years ago, allegedly turning up in the address book of downed contra pilot, Eugene Hasenfus, a CIA contractor. The most curious case, to my mind, is that of Michael Aquino, another frequent talk-show guest who bears an uncanny resemblance to Mark Lenard, Mr. Spock's father on "Star Trek. " Aguino founded and leads the
In this part of the book, I've tried to piece together as many slabs and slices of information that I could find to support the kinds of conspiracy theories that got me interested in the subject. These are American conspiracy theories, many with long historical roots, but, nonetheless, distinctively contemporary conspiracy theories. These are theories born in a country too big and diverse to govern, but permeated totally by government. A country whose basic ideal is individual freedom, where daily life is dominated by authority. From the runaway power of the presidency to the tyranny of workplace management, liberty is strangely difficult to come by. We've substituted the multicolored spectacle of consumerism for control over our own lives, and we're supposed to think that be-cause we have so much stuff available for purchase we have the freedom to choose. But you can't fool everyone. Conspiracy theorists may not always be right, but they are not fooled. The information in this section is not supposed to be an argument for any particular conspiracy theory, although there seem to be plenty in here. I've been trying to present a way of thinking about a society where information is controlled, ergo, understanding is impossible. Conspiracy theories are a guide to life in a strange and threatening |