The V-1 Flying Bomb






Officially, it was simply FZG-76-Flakzielgerät (anti-aircraft target device)-76. The anti-aircraft designation was a ruse to throw Allied spies off the track. In
Britain, it was known as the "doodlebug" "buzz bomb" and "farting fury," along with a number of other comic names.

 

The Fieseler company that designed it designated it the Fi-103. The Nazi Propaganda Ministry called the pilot-less aircraft Vergeltungswaffe (retaliation weapon) 1, or V-1. But the name almost universally favored by Britons and Americans alike was "buzz bomb."

 

A V-1 flying bomb resembled a small aircraft with a stovepipe mounted over its tail and no cockpit. Its overall length was just over 25 feet, with a wingspan of 17 feet. Standard 80-octane gasoline kept its jet engine running, which was housed in the stovepipe assembly; this was the same fuel used by trucks. The flying bomb was easy and cheap ($500) to build and carried a 1,870-pound warhead. But while the flying bomb may have been cheap and simple, it was not very accurate-it could not hit small targets, or even moderate-sized villages. It was accurate enough to hit a target the size of Greater London, however, and that was all that was expected - a way to hit back at the Allies without risking the depleted reserves of the Luftwaffe's bomber fleet.

 

During the early months of 1943, extensive tests were carried out involving the FZG-76. Only nine months had passed between the beginning of work on the project in March 1942 and the first successful launch, which took place on Christmas Eve, although the flying bomb still had its share of teething problems. One question involved the proper type of launching site for the flying bombs. Some favored large concrete emplacements; others proposed small, portable sites. As head of the Luftwaffe, Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring compromised, ordering four concrete bunkers and 96 smaller sites begun immediately.

 

Next, men had to be trained to handle and fire the flying bomb. A new Luftwaffe unit was formed in August 1943, called Flakregiment 155 ('N). The anti-aircraft designation was, once again, aimed at deceiving Allied intelligence.

 

The new unit was placed under the command of Luftwaffe Colonel Max Wachtel, who had been in charge of all the experimental flying bomb launches. Wachtel was instructed to get his men ready for firing the bomb under actual combat conditions, and he took his orders to heart; his Flakregiment began exercises within days of the unit's creation. From the western side of Peenemünde, on Usedom Island in the Baltic Sea, the launching crews began readying the small, jet-propelled planes and firing them downrange over the Baltic.

 

Under Wachtel, Flakregiment 155 ('N) continued its training through the winter of 1943 and into 1944. ByJune 1944, Wachtel and his unit were in France, ready to begin operations. But few others connected with the flying bomb project were as efficient as Wachtel.

 

One of the main problems was with the production of the flying bombs themselves. Because of the many defects that plagued the bomb, it did not go into production until March 1944. Engineers at the Volkswagen plant at Fallersleben, near Hamburg, did their best to work out the problems, but the pilotless planes kept crashing immediately after launching. Full production did not begin until April 1944, when 1,000 flying bombs rolled off the Volkswagen assembly line.

 

Wachtel had been ordered to begin launching the pilotless bombs against England by June, but his unit had no equipment, no launching rails and no supplies. It had been decided that lightweight launching ramps, called modified sites, would be used in place of larger ramps that had proved too vulnerable to Allied bombing attacks.

 

The supplies and equipment that Wachtel needed to begin operations did not arrive until June 12, 1944, only a few hours before he was to begin launching V-is against southern England. Only 10 ramps were ready for launching; 55 were supposed to have been prepared, but not enough spare parts and equipment had been sent for all of them. By 3:30 am, on June 13, the 10 firing ramps were ready. The Luftwaffe high command decided to go ahead despite the fact that so few ramps were operational.


Months of practice made the pre-launch procedure a set routine for the crews. First, the flying bomb's fuel tank was checked, to make certain that it had been topped off. Following this, the wooden wings were attached-these had been folded over the fuselage to make storing and moving the aircraft easier. After assembly, the plane was aligned precisely with its firing ramp-which was pointed directly at
London - and its gyrocompass was set at zero to ensure it flew the straight course on which it had been aimed.

 

The flying bomb, now ready for launching, was moved onto its firing ramp. After it was loaded onto its catapult, a lug on the underside of the fuselage was attached to the catapult's firing piston. When the piston was released, it accelerated the V-1 off the launch rails in the same way that a jet plane is catapulted off the flight deck of an aircraft carrier. With the stubby-winged flying bomb poised for takeoff, the launching crew took cover inside the "control bunker," a heavily armored trailer that housed the catapult's firing controls, or lumped into a nearby slit trench. The firing officer gave an order, a technician pulled a lever, and the flying bomb's pulse-jet engine came to life with a throbbing, ear-numbing roar.

 

This simple jet engine was the flying bomb's most unique feature. Housed outside the fuselage, above the tail, the jet is usually described as looking like either a stovepipe or a giant blow torch. At the front end of the engine housing was a set of intake flaps that resembled a Venetian blind. These flaps opened at the beginning of the engine's cycle, allowing air to be drawn into the combustion chamber, where it was mixed with 80-octane fuel. In the second stage of the combustion cycle, the flaps closed and the fuel-oxygen mixture was ignited. With a tremendous flash, a burst of hot exhaust shot out from the rear of the engine to provide forward thrust. Immediately following the exhaust stage, the intake flaps opened again, allowing air into the combustion chamber and repeating the cycle.

 

This simple jet engine could complete up to 500 combustion cycles every minute, giving the flying bomb a maximum speed of about 400 mph. The engine's pulsing combustion process also gave the flying bomb its distinctive duv-duv-duv sound in flight, a sound that Londoners would soon come to recognize.

 

After listening for a moment to ensure that the engine was firing properly, the firing officer gave the order to launch. A second lever was pulled, releasing the catapult's piston. The flying bomb lurched forward, shot along the length of steel rail, and lumped uncertainly into the night sky. During the next half-hour, between ab out 3:30 and 4 a.m., nine more of the bombs bolted from their catapults. The launching crews watched as the small aircraft left their ramps, brilliant flashes of fire trailing from their exhausts.

 

Four of the shots failed, the flying bombs crashing just after takeoff, with explosions loud enough to hurt the eardrums of the catapult crews. Two of the successfully launched flying bombs crashed into the English Channel. The other four reached England; two landed in Kent, one in Surry, and one crashed in London, the intended target of all of them. The London bomb came down in Bethnal Green, East London, about three miles away from its Tower Bridge target point. The explosion killed three people and knocked out a railway bridge.

 

Although only four flying bombs reached England during this first launch, hundreds more would be launched during the next several weeks. An inexpensive, and not very accurate, mechanism sent the flying bomb diving into its target upon arrival. Each bomb had a small, propeller like anemometer device on its nose that was connected to the bomb's autopilot. As the flying bomb flew through the air, its forward motion turned the propeller like a pinwheel in the wind. After a preset number of revolutions, the propeller tripped the diving controls, pointing the bomb earthward at a steep angle. The mechanism was set by the catapult crew before launching; the setting of how many revolutions were needed to trip the diving controls was based upon calculations involving the flying bomb's speed and the distance to target.

 

Any number of factors could undo this inherently imprecise system. Headwinds or tailwinds could alter the machine's groundspeed, mining carefully worked-out calculations that were usually a lot more accurate than the mechanism itself. The autopilot might go haywire and send the bomb plunging into the Channel. Or it might not work at all, causing the bomb to overfly London and keep going until it ran out of fuel. When the windmill device tilted the bomb toward the earth, all the fuel ran to one end of the tank - the end away from the fuel pump. The pump began drawing air, and the engine, cut off from its fuel supply, stopped running.

The history of the cruise missile was marked by failures and dead ends until modern times. One early attempt to build and operate such a weapon became notorious: the German V-1 flying bomb of World War Two.

V-1 Development

The Germans performed experiments with autopiloted aircraft in the 1930s, but proposals made to the German military in 1939 and 1941 to develop flying bombs were turned down. In June 1942, however, growing RAF bomb raids on German cities, and rising losses of Luftwaffe bombers over England in attempts to retaliate, persuaded the Luftwaffe to consider new options. Work on the V-2 long-range rocket was encountering difficulties, and the V-2 was an Army project in any case.

The Luftwaffe investigated and approved the development of a small, cheap flying bomb, with a range of about 250 kilometers (155 miles) and an 800 kilogram (1,760 pound) warhead, that could hit a city-sized area, evading interception by flying in at high speed and low altitude. The project was given the cover designation of "Flak Ziel Gerät (FZG)", or "anti-aircraft target apparatus".

Propulsion for the new flying bomb was provided by the "pulsejet", which had been invented by Paul Schmidt in the early 1930s, with development picked up by the Army Weapons Office in 1937. The pulsejet was little more than a "stovepipe", with its sole moving part consisting of a shutter assembly inside the air intake. The simplicity and low cost of this engine was a major factor in the Luftwaffe's decision to pursue flying bomb development.

Air entering into the pulsejet was mixed with fuel and the mixture ignited by spark plugs. The combustion of the mixture slammed the intake shutters closed, and produced a burst of thrust out the exhaust. The shutters then opened again in the airflow. The production engine would perform this cycle about 42 times a second. This pulsed operation caused the engine to emit a loud low throbbing sound that would presently become familiar over the English countryside.

Schmidt's pulsejet was a crude engine. Throttling it was difficult at best, it could only operate effectively at low altitudes, and the shutters tended to wear out quickly, but none of these issues were important in an expendable robot weapon, and it had major advantages. It was simple, cheap, and powerful, with a thrust of 270 kilograms (600 pounds). Furthermore, it could use low-grade gasoline as a fuel, rather than precious high-octane aviation fuel.

Three companies collaborated in building the flying bomb. Fieseler built the airframe; Argus, the employer of Paul Schmidt, built the pulsejet engine; and Askania built the guidance system. A glide test of the flying bomb was performed from a Focke-Wulf FW-200 Kondor in early December 1942, followed by a powered flight on Christmas Eve.

The first powered flight only went a kilometer, and the early prototypes showed a distressing tendency to crash. To resolve these problems, a piloted flying bomb was developed, with the warhead replaced by a cockpit in which a test pilot could fly the machine while lying prone. Test flights were performed with the tiny and daring female test pilot Hanna Reitsch at the controls, and helped resolve the problems.

On 26 May 1943, top Nazi officials visited the test facility at Peenemünde, on the Baltic, to evaluate progress on the flying bomb. They concluded that the weapon should be put into full-scale production, and work was accelerated on completing development; establishing an operational unit to fire the weapons; and constructing launch sites. A hundred launch sites were to be built in the Pas de Calais area in northwest France, capable of launching a thousand flying bombs a day. London was only about 200 kilometers (120 miles) from the launch sites.

The flying bomb was refined into a production prototype version, codenamed "Kirschkern (Cherrystone)", that was much superior to the initial prototypes. In production, the weapon was officially designated the "Fieseler Fi-103" or "FZG-76", but was more informally referred to as the "V-1", for "Vergeltungswaffe Eins", or "Vengeance Weapon 1".

RAF photo-reconnaissance aircraft had been observing the strange goings-on at Peenemünde since the middle of May 1942, and though Allied intelligence wasn't sure about what was going on, it was clearly nothing good. The RAF launched Operation Hydra, a major bomb raid on Peenemünde, in the late summer of 1943, though it did not greatly slow down German development efforts. Shortly thereafter, the USAAF bombed the launching sites in the Pas de Calais, destroying most of them.

On 28 November 1943, an RAF photo-reconnaissance aircraft took pictures of Peenemünde, and a sharp-eyed photographic analyst, Flight Officer Babington Smith, spotted a prototype flying bomb on a launch ramp at Peenemünde. British intelligence began to see what the Germans were up to, and estimated that the Germans would be able to start launching these new weapons against England in a matter of weeks.

Bombings of new launch sites under construction were stepped up. However, by this time the flying bomb was in production, and the new launch sites were more easily concealed. Several flying bombs were launched towards Sweden in last-minute tests to determine their range and other performance characteristics, and on 13 June 1944, the first V-1s were launched towards London.

Only about ten missiles were fired that day. The commandant in charge of the launch sites had been ordered to launch, but he was not quite ready to begin full scale launch operations at that time. He simply did as he was ordered, then returned to finishing his preparations.

The "Flying Bomb Blitz" began in earnest on 15 June 1944, with 244 fired at London and 50 fired at Southampton. 144 crossed the English coast; 73 managed to reach London; some were shot down; most of the rest landed south of the Thames; and a few hit Southampton. One went wildly astray and ended up in Norfolk.

 V-1 Details

The V-1 was an odd and ingenious weapon, designed to be cheaply built in large numbers. Early production was largely made of metal, though wooden wings were quickly introduced. The V-1 was directed to its target by a simple guidance system, which incorporated a set of gyroscopes driven by compressed air to keep the missile stable; a magnetic compass to control bearing; and barometric altimeter to control altitude.

The flying bomb was typically set to fly at an altitude of about 600 meters (2,000 feet) under the control of the barometric altimeter. A spinner on the nose armed the warhead after about 100 kilometers (60 miles) of flight, and determined when the weapon would fall to earth. Some sources claim that this function was performed by a simple clock, not a nose spinner. Illustrations are ambiguous on this issue, and it is possible that different production runs used different systems.

The little aircraft's wings had no control surfaces. The V-1 was directed by the rudder and elevators on its horizontal tailplane. As there was no way the flying bomb could maneuver anyway, such a crude approach was both adequate and cheap.

When the guidance system determined that the missile was over its target, it locked the control surfaces, and popped out spoilers under the horizontal tailplane to put the bomb into a steep dive. Usually, though not always, this stalled the engine. The abrupt cutoff of the loud buzz inspired terror, since it meant there would be a terrific explosion a few seconds later.

The V-1's warhead included a electrical fuze; a backup mechanical fuze; and a time-delay fuze, to ensure that the weapon destroyed itself if the other fuzes failed to work. The fuzing system was very reliable, and very few V-1s were duds.

Early V-1 production had a fuel capacity of 640 liters (169 US gallons). Flight time from launch to impact was usually about 22 minutes. Accuracy was very poor, with impacts scattered all over southeastern England.

The V-1 was prepared for launch by filling up its fuel tank, installing a battery, and charging up the compressed air tanks for the gyroscopes. It was then trollied to a demagnetized area to check the missile's magnetic compass and set up the guidance system in accordance with the planned target coordinates.

As the Argus pulsejet engine couldn't produce effective thrust until the flying bomb was up to flight speed, the V-1 was launched off a 48 meter (157 foot) long ramp using a steam catapult system, designed by the Walter company. The ramp contained a slot fitted with a dumbbell-shaped piston, and the flying bomb sat on a simple trolley that was linked to the piston. The piston was held in place with a shear pin.

A cart containing a reaction chamber and tanks of with hydrogen peroxide (HO) and granules of potassium permanganate (KMnO4) catalyst was connected to a chamber at the base of the ramp whose other end was plugged by the piston. When the hydrogen peroxide was pumped over the potassium permanganate, it was converted into large quantities of hot steam that built up pressure against the piston. When the pressure built up to a certain level, it broke the piston's shear pin and the trolley rapidly moved up the ramp.

The V-1 left the ramp at a speed of about 400 kph (250 mph), while the piston shot out into the surrounding terrain and the trolley fell off the weapon. After a firing, the launch ramp had to be swept off by personnel clad in protective clothing, as the fuel spatterings were corrosive.

The V-1 could be fitted with a poison gas warhead, which would have made it a truly fearsome weapon, considering the highly lethal nerve gases that the Germans possessed. However, fear of retribution in kind kept Hitler from performing poison gas attacks, as German gas warfare experts wrongly believed that the Allies had nerve gases as well.

Some of the V-1s were fitted with a radio transmitter and a trailing antenna wire so that their flight could be monitored. In some cases, the bombs were "shadowed" by fast aircraft like the Messerschmitt 410 to observe their flight. A few were also fitted with a cage to accommodate 23 one-kilogram incendiary bombs, or a paper carton full of propaganda leaflets, with the contents scattered by the force of the blast.

The V-1 was manufactured at various sites in the Reich, but the main production facility was the notorious underground SS slave-labor complex known as "Mittelwerk" at Nordhausen in the Harz Mountains. An estimated total of 24,000 V-1s were built in 1944, with as many as 10,000 built in 1945, though quantities tend to vary from source to source.

The Flying bomb Blitz

The Allies landed on the Normandy beaches on 6 June, a week before the first launch of the V-1, but even as the fighting raged around the beachhead, the flying bomb attacks continued at a brisk pace from the launch sites in the Pas de Calais.

Although the Allies had been expecting the flying bomb, which they codenamed "Diver", the attacks still came as something of a shock. The initial response to the missiles was clumsy and inept. At first, anti-aircraft guns sometimes shot them down over London, causing them to fall into the city even though they might have passed and dropped into an unpopulated area if left alone. The British public reacted to the attacks with a combination of curiosity and fear as the little missiles buzzed overhead, sounding a little like "a Model-T Ford going up a hill" or "like a motor-bike with a two-stroke engine."

 

 San Francisco Chronicle reports V1 attacks on Britain, 1944

The V-1s were originally referred to in the press as "pilotless bombs" or "robot bombers", but Prime Minister Winston Churchill discouraged such language, as they made the weapons sound unstoppable. Eventually, the V-1s became known as "buzz bombs" from the engine sound, or particularly "doodlebugs", a name invented by New Zealander airmen who thought they sounded like a loud buzzing bug of their homeland.

Although the flying bombs were inaccurate, the Germans were launching enough of them to cause severe damage, and the random nature of the attacks was unnerving. Sometimes a flying bomb acted capriciously, shutting off its engine and then restarting it again, or even turning around and flying back the way it came. In fact, one made a U-turn shortly after launching and landed with a tremendous explosion near a command post that Hitler was scheduled to visit.

Sometimes they seemed deadly accurate, leading some to believe they had a precision guidance system. One hit the headquarters of General Dwight Eisenhower, the Supreme Allied Commander. The worst incident occurred on 20 June 1944, when one hit the Guard's Chapel attached to Wellington Barracks, not far from Buckingham Palace, killing 119 and wounding 141. Even when they caused no great loss of life, the flying bombs destroyed historic landmarks, as well as many homes.

Churchill was enraged at the attacks, and urged that poison gases be dropped on German cities in retaliation. The RAF responded that such a measure would likely be less effective than the air attacks with high explosive and incendiary bombs already in progress. Churchill was forced to reluctantly abandon his suggestion, which was just as well because the Germans were in a position to more than retaliate in kind. While the Germans thought the Allies had nerve gases and were keeping them a secret, the Allies had no idea such things existed.

German propaganda trumpeted that British citizens were streaming out of London at a rapid rate. In fact, youngsters were being evacuated to the countryside where they were generally out of harm's way, but at the same time workers were coming into the city to help repair the damage, and despite the terror of flying bombs falling out of the sky, the city's inhabitants generally went about their business.

Lookouts were posted on top of factories watch for flying bombs headed their way, and to sound an alarm when necessary so the workers could seek shelter. A popular department store announced that their basement was fitted as an air-raid shelter with a capacity of 1,500 people, and the establishment was equipped to give shoppers warning and all-clear signals.

Fighting the Flying bomb

The initial British defence against the flying bomb attacks was uncoordinated and ineffective. Fighter patrols attempting to intercept the missiles were poorly organized. The flying bombs were small and came in fast, at an altitude where a pilot could have trouble picking them out of the ground clutter. The altitude was also too high for light antiaircraft guns, but still low enough to evade long-range radar detection.


Gloster Meteor

 

The Gloster Meteor's maiden flight took place at Cranwell, Lincolnshire on 5 March 1943 with Michael Daunt at the controls. The new aircraft was powered by two Halford H.1 turbojets producing 2,300 lb (10.2 kN) thrust each. Eight prototypes were built testing different engine types finally the 1,700 lb (7.5 kN) thrust Rolls-Royce Welland was selected and twenty pre-production jets were built designated Meteor I. The Meteor II never materialized so the Meteor III became the first true production version, the first 15 having Welland engines the rest 2,000 lb (8.9 kN) thrust Derwent 1 turbojets in short nacelles.

 

No. 616 Squadron received the jet fighter first and flew its first combat sorties on 27 July 1944 against V-1 buzz bombs. On 4 August 1944 came the first victory when Flying Officer T.D. Dean sent a V-1 buzz bomb diving out of control by tipping it with his wing after he discovered his guns were jammed.

 

On 17 July 1945 the Meteor IV took to the air for the first time powered by two 3,500 lb (15.5 kN) thrust Derwent 5 engines in long nacelles. To add stiffeness to the wings without a major redesign 34 inches (87 cm) was clipped off each wing from the 9th aircraft onwards, thereby increasing the rate of roll but also take-off and landing speeds.

 

Some 200 Meteor jets were built by war's end.

The first useful measure was to assign interception of the flying bombs to aircraft that had the speed to catch them, such as late-mark Supermarine Spitfires, Hawker Tempests, or Merlin-powered North American P-51s. When the new Gloster Meteor jet fighters reached operational units, they were also assigned to intercept flying bombs, though their flight endurance was less than a hour and long standing patrols were not possible. The number of flying bombs shot down by the Meteor was small, but these "kills" were played up as a propaganda measure.

While Spitfires and Tempests fought the flying bombs by day, night fighters like the De Havilland Mosquito and the new American Northrop P-61 Black Widow fought them at night. Day fighters flying at night were also able to shoot down some of the flying bombs at night, since the pulsejet engines spewed out a bright burning exhaust.

The Royal Observer Corps (ROC), the British ground-spotter network, was ordered to fire marker rockets in the direction of a flying bomb to alert air patrols. This was the first step in redirecting the network of ROC posts, radar stations, and RAF fighter control centers, or "filter rooms" as they were called, to meet the new threat.

At first, fighter pilots were careful to not approach too closely when firing on the flying bombs, since they feared that the big warhead would detonate and blast them out of the sky, but this didn't prove to be a major problem. Some learned to dive past the nose of the bomb to throw it off course, and then pilots became skilled at "tipping" a V-1 into a crash by slipping their wing underneath one of the bomb's and then rolling over. This was a tricky technique, since making physical contact could damage the fighter. The pilot had to instead generate air pressure to disrupt the V-1's flight.

The fighter patrols proved effective in destroying flying bombs. One fighter pilot, 24-year-old Squadron Leader Joseph Berry, destroyed a total of 60 by the end of the attacks. However, ground-based anti-aircraft defenses proved even more effective.

At the beginning of the flying bomb attacks, London was protected to the southeast by a barrier of 2,000 barrage balloons, captive balloons that trailed cables to present a hazard to low-flying aircraft, and a network of anti-aircraft guns.

Initially, neither defensive barrier made many kills. The barrage balloons did bring down a few flying bombs, though some of the V-1s were fitted with cable cutters. The anti-aircraft guns were constrained by rules of engagement designed to protect fighter patrols from "friendly fire".

In mid-July, a decision was made to move the anti-aircraft guns from the vicinity of London to the coast. This would give the guns a free field of fire, as well as hopefully let them destroy the flying bombs over water where they could not cause damage when they fell.

The relocation was no trivial matter, since the system included not only guns but also ammunition stores, communications centers and lines, control centers, and all the other elements of an air defense network. To compound matters, the anti-aircraft gun network had just completed one reorganization, which involved replacement of older manually-aimed weapons with new power-assisted guns.

The move was performed with impressive efficiency. The plan was submitted on 13 July 1944; the first heavy anti-aircraft guns were in operation in their new sites on 17 July; and the light guns were all in place by 19 July.

American anti-aircraft gun batteries soon joined in the defensive belt. Even more significantly, the Americans introduced two new wonders of technology to the battle that proved to be particularly effective. The first was was the "SCR-548" gun-laying radar, which was used in conjunction with an analog computer to automatically track and fire on aerial intruders.

The second was the radio proximity fuze, which allowed a shell to explode when it came to within a certain radius of a target, rather than being detonated by a time fuze set before firing. The V-1's straight and level path made it a relatively easy target for the new automated anti-aircraft gun system, and as gun crews became more experience with their new tools, the number of kills rose dramatically.

All these defensive measures had been implemented in haste, and it wasn't until late August that attempts were made to improve the coordination of the fighter patrols and the gun belt. By this time, however, the Allies were overrunning V-1 launch sites in the Pas de Calais and the number of flying bomb attacks dropped dramatically.

A total of about 10,000 flying bombs had been launched against London to that time. The Germans had been setting up launch sites near Cherbourg to launch flying bombs against Plymouth and Bristol, but these sites were captured before they became operational.

Last gasp of the Flying bomb

Even though the launch sites were overrun, flying bombs continued to hit England, if in reduced numbers.

Back in early July, a small number of flying bombs attacks were performed on Manchester and Gloucester. Allied leadership was baffled as to where these attacks were coming from, since the range of the V-1 was roughly known, and there was no place near enough for the Germans to set up launch sites that could reach these targets.

 




In fact, the Germans were launching the flying bombs from specially modified Heinkel He-111 bombers, operating from airfields in the Netherlands. Work on this scheme predated the beginning of the flying bomb blitz, and involved removing the He-111's bomb racks and a fuel tank, and installing launching gear and provisions for carrying a V-1 nestled under the left wing. The modified bombers were given the designation "He-111H-22".

This proved to be a risky business, since the flying bomb was very heavy and could be lethally tricky to launch. 1,200 V-1s were launched in this fashion, with the loss of 77 bombers. Twelve bombers were lost on two missions alone simply due to the premature detonation of the V-1's warhead after the He-111 left the runway.

Air launch was abandoned in mid-January 1945, due to the high attrition and the advance of Allied forces. However, the Germans were not quite done with this game, having developed a new version of the V-1 with a range of 400 kilometers (250 miles) by reducing the size of the warhead and increasing the size of the fuel tank.

They launched about 275 of these long-range flying bombs against Britain from the Netherlands in March 1945. British defenses were able to adjust to these last-gasp attacks, and the looming defeat of the Reich ended the campaign for good at the end of March. V-2 rocket attacks against England, which had begun the previous September, also slowly fizzled out.

During this last phase of the flying-bomb battle, the German Wehrmacht also launched as many as 9,000 V-1s against continental European targets, particularly the Belgian port city of Antwerp and the neighbouring city of Liege, in hopes of interrupting the flow of Allied supplies to their advancing armies. These attacks faded out in March as well.

The Germans also considered launching V-1s from the back of the Arado Ar-234 jet bomber, using an odd rack that swiveled the missile up away from the aircraft at launch. This project does not seem to have gone past the paper stage.

One of the unusual side stories of the flying-bomb campaign was development of a piloted "suicide" V-1. The details of this weapon are obscure and the documentation contradictory.

In late 1943, the Germans had experimented with "manned missiles", in which pilots would point their aircraft at a ground target and bail out. Experiments along this line were performed with Focke-Wulf FW-190 and pulsejet-powered Messerschmitt Me-328 fighters, but proved unsuccessful.

In May 1944, SS Hauptsturmführer Otto Skorzeny, Germany's brilliant and ruthless commando leader, proposed using the V-1 for this job. Within two weeks, prototypes of variants of the manned weapon, known as "Reichenberg", were built, with designations "R-I" through "R-IV".

The R-I and R-II were glider trainers and lacked engines. The R-I was a single-seat trainer, while the R-II was a two-seat trainer with dual cockpits. The R-III was a two-seat powered trainer, while the R-IV was the operational weapon. About 175 R-IVs were built, and a group of volunteers was organized to fly them. The piloted flying bombs were to be launched by bombers of "KG-200", the Luftwaffe special operations unit.


Selbstopfer
(German for self-sacrifice) was a late-World War II German project to develop a "smart weapon" for attacking high-value targets such as bridges and command centers. First proposed by Otto Skorzeny, leader of the German commandos, and Hanna Reitsch, the famous test pilot, they suggested using converted V1 Flying Bombs with a tiny cockpit on top, with the "smarts" being provided by the pilot.


About 100 pilots drawn from Skorzeny's KG 200 were trained, and about 175 of the modified V-1 (named Fieseler Fi 103 R Reichenberg) were built. Unlike the somewhat similar Japanese Kamikaze Ohka, pilots of the new Fi 103 R were intended to bail out just prior to impact, although in reality this would be difficult because of the cramped cockpit, the sharp angle of the final dive, and the fact that the cockpit was located just below the pulsejet intake.

 

Testing was carried out by KG 200 on several occasions, dropped from Heinkel He 111 bombers, with Reitsch herself piloting an unpowered version equipped with a wooden landing skid. Several stories claim operational use, but it appears highly unlikely that the weapon was ever used in combat.

 

Some other Nazi secret weapons projects involved near-suicide missions like the Bachem Ba 349 Natter.

In principle, the pilot was to aim the Reichenberg at a target and then bail out. In practice, the weapon lacked an ejection seat, and though provisions were made for escape, getting out of such an aircraft safely as it dived at high speed towards a target was problematic. The volunteer pilots who were to fly the bombs were known as "Selbstopfermänner", or "Suicide Men".

Unsurprisingly, many German officers did not like the scheme. In October 1944, a new commander named Werner Baumbach was appointed to KG-200, and he preferred Mistel to Reichenberg. The Germans had little enthusiasm for kamikaze missions. In fact, some sources say that the piloted V-1s were originally designed strictly as flight test machines, but it is difficult to fit that into the other parts of the story as they are recorded.

Along with the Reichenberg, another interesting dead-end adaptation of the V-1 was its use as an external fuel tank that could be towed behind an aircraft by a long pipe, with the pipe acting as both tow bar and fuel connection. The scheme was evaluated with an Ar-234 jet bomber, but never got beyond preliminary tests.

The effectiveness of the V-1 is debatable. Detractors point out that the V-1 was far too inaccurate to be considered a militarily effective weapon. It was a weapon of mass terror that struck almost at random.

It did prove undeniably destructive, inflicting almost 46,000 casualties, with over 5,000 people killed outright, destroying 130,000 homes, and damaging 750,000 more. However, it had no real effect on the outcome of the war, and absorbed resources that might have been better used in the defense of the Reich.

Others point out that the weapon was cheap to build and tied up a disproportionate amount of Allied resources. Though this was true, the Allies had the resources, and it is questionable that the V-1 prolonged the war by any significant length of time.

 

 

USAAF JB-2 / JB-1

Despite the V-1's limitations, the US military was very interested in it. In contrast to the bumbling American efforts in radio-controlled flying bombs such as the BQ weapons, the German V-1 looked pretty good, and in July 1944 captured V-1 components were shipped to Wright-Patterson Field in Ohio for evaluation. Within three weeks, the USAAF and American industry had built their own V-1, which was designated the "Jet Bomb 2 (JB-2)".

In August, the USAAF placed an order for 1,000 JB-2s with improved guidance systems: Ford built the pulse-jet engine, designated "PJ-31"; Republic built the airframe; and other manufacturers built the control systems, launch rockets, launch frames, and remaining components.

The JB-2s were launched off a rail with a solid rocket booster, in contrast to the somewhat complicated steam catapult system used by the Germans. Two versions were built, one with a gyroscopic guidance system like that used with the V-1, and the other with a radio-radar guidance system. The USAAF then experimented with air-launching the JB-2. Most of the launches were from a B-17 bomber, though some were performed from B-24s and B-29s. 

History of German Rocketry
in World War II

Site Meter

The Air Force was so enthusiastic with the results that they increased the order for JB-2s to 75,000 in January 1945. However, the end of the war in August dampened enthusiasm for the weapon, and the program was terminated in September of that year after 1,200 had been built.

The US Navy also experimented with their own V-1 variant, the "KUW-1" (later "LTV-N-2") "Loon". Two submarines, the USS Carbenero and the USS Cusk, and a surface vessel, the USS Norton Sound, were modified to launch the flying bombs. In February 1947, the Cusk successfully launched a Loon. The flying bomb was stored in a watertight hanger on the deck of the submarine, and assembled and launched by solid rocket boosters while the submarine was on the surface.

The Soviets are also believed to have built copies of the V-1, and the French operated a target drone based on the V-1 and designated the "Arsenal 5.501" well into the 1950s, though it differed from the original design in having twin tailfins and radio control. 

Boeing AGM-86A  based on the original design of the Fi 103



FLYING BOMBS  

 

Before the war started, Adolf Hitler first mentioned the existence in Germany of a secret weapon during one of his hysterical broadcasts. Hitler's "secret weapon" made headlines in Britain and was dismissed as a German bluff,  although, the Secret Intelligence Services (SIS) had evidence that suggested the matter should be considered seriously. As the weeks went by it became a national joke.

But, it was no bluff at all. For many years, German scientists had been designing 2 novel weapons. One was a pilot-less, jet-propelled aircraft; the other was a long-range guided missile (that was later to become the V2 rocket in the final phases of the war in
Europe
).

A more secure and secret site was needed for the development of these weapons and, in 1935, Wernher von Braun sought and obtained approval for the heavily wooded Peenem
ü
nde base on the Baltic coast. The cost of the site was shared between the Wehrmacht (army) and the Luftwaffe (air force).

The Battle of Britain forced the Luftwaffe onto the defensive and so their inclusion in the Peenem
ünde operation was perfect for the development of their Vergeltungswaffe (their revenge weapon, or V-weapon). So, the airfield to the west of Peenemünde became the centre for the Luftwaffe to test-fly new aircraft and pilotless flying bombs. Security was so tight that few of the vast army of people that were working there knew what was being made at Peenemünde.

 

At the end of May 1942, the Luftwaffe's deputy C-in-C, Erhard Milch presented the plan for an Argus-tube-propelled pilotless missile to be made by Fieseler Flugzeugbau, the makers of the Storch aircraft. Each machine would be economical to make and run (thin steel plate, low-grade petrol, 550 man-hours) and be controlled by an auto-pilot. It would carry a 100 kg warhead and be designated Fieseler Fi 103 (later changed to F2G 76). The project was designated "Cherrystone". Development would begin immediately, with production starting toward the end of 1943.

 

The first V1 missile launching look place on Christmas Eve 1942. There were early failures to fix and modifications to make; the latter were suggested after a cramped manned flight by Flugkapitän Hanna Reitsch. By May 1943 sustained flights were achieved and the project pronounced as "very hopeful".

 

The devastating series of raids on Hamburg, called "Operation Gomorrah", began on July 24th 1943 and Hitler screamed for retaliation. By then 68 Fi 103's had been test-launched and 28 had been entirely successful, 0ne had flown 243 km and another had reached 600 kph.

 

The Flak Regiment was established and given responsibility for the actual launchings in France. In France, preparations were under way for the erection of concrete bunkers and ramps for sending large numbers of flying bombs to south-east England. Christmas, 1943 was the date nominated for the first assault.

 

Allied Intelligence was totally ignorant of what was happening at Peenemünde. It took them six years before they realised what was going on. In November 1939 the "Oslo Report" spoke of the rockets, but this was regarded as a German "plant" and was ignored. Peenemünde was not heard of again for 3 years. Finally, in June 1943 (following reports from agents), air-reconnaissance photos showed the rockets: the RAF bombed Peenemünde and declared it "obliterated'.

 

But, the airfield where the V1s were being tested was untouched and the British were unaware of this weapon.

 

A few weeks after the Peenemünde raid, on November 9th 1943, a "suspicious erection" was noticed on a set of reconnaissance photos at Bois Carr, near Yvrench in France. This was the first V1 launching site to be analysed. It shows the long, low building of heavy concrete (christened a "ski site"), which was used for the storage of flying bomb components. Within a few weeks, similar constructions were identified on photographs between Dieppe and Calais. The sites were ordered to be destroyed without knowing their purpose. Thousands of pictures of north-west France were taken and examined.

By the end of November 1943, Flight Officer Constance Babington Smith had spotted a tiny cruciform shape at the lower end of inclined rails. She had made the first British sighting of a flying bomb. The cross-channel threat was established beyond doubt as the Flying Bomb. It was estimated that the each of the 100 "ski sites" could house 20 missiles, so some 2,000 bombs could be launched a day!

Attempts to destroy the "ski sites" by Allied bombing were paltry. By the end of December 1943 only 7 sites had been destroyed and the Germans were completing new sites faster than the Allies could destroy them; the loss of Allied aircraft and crews was appalling. The bombing was wildly inaccurate.

The Germans' favourite site was a small wood (of 5 to 10 acres) close to a hard road, where trees in both summer and winter gave them perfect cover. They built hundreds of such sites and supply depots. But they also chose more domestic sites.

 

Orchards of apples and pears were used, and they even used back gardens of French peasants in remote villages. On at least one occasion they built an entire launching site in a village street!

 

The New Year proved more successful, but defences were strong and losses heavy. By the end of May 1944, 82 sites were believed to have been neutralised, but the Allies had lost 154 aircraft and 771 aircrew were dead or missing. Further reconnaissance over Picardy, Normandy and Artois showed that the majority of the sites had now been abandoned. The British War Office believed that a simplified launching system for the flying bombs had been devised.

 

The Flakregiment 155(W), which was responsible for deploying and dispatching the V1s, was now almost mobile. It was building "modified sites" of minimal construction with a ramp, concrete roads and a few essential buildings. Each site took about 6 days to erect and could be abandoned when discovered by the Allied bombers.

 

On the 16th May 1944, Field Marshal Keitel (on Hitler's orders) issued the order for "the long range bombardment of England to begin in the middle of June."

 

Soon after midnight on the night of June 12/13th, the Nazis' cross-Channel batteries started firing. In Folkstone, more than a 1,000 homes were damaged and 10 civilians injured; Maidstone was also hit.

 

The first V1 ("a fighter on fire") was spotted from Observer Post Mike 3, high on the Kent Downs at Lyminge. Message was passed to the Royal Observer Corps and the Observer Post Mike 2 in a Martello Tower at Dymchurch took up the track of a noise like "a model-T-Ford going up a hill". The code message "Diver, Diver, Diver" was passed rapidly up the command line, finally reaching the Mandarins and Gods in Whitehall and Washington. The missile flew steadily across Kent, eventually diving to earth and exploding on open farmland at Swanscombe.

Meanwhile, in
France, Colonel Max Wachtel (in charge of Flakregiment 155(W)) was experiencing great difficulty in meeting the Führer's demands of 500 flying bombs a day. He had already withdrawn his men from the ski sites where they had been filling in craters after heavy Allied bombing. He was hoping that the first modified launching sites in the Pas de Calais would be ready by the evening of June 12th, but the invasion of Normandy had seriously affected his progress.

The French railway system was in total disarray. Trains had been held up and many catapults had failed to arrive. By 11.15 pm on June 12th, when the opening salvo was due to be fired, only 18 of 64 sites in the Pas de Calais were operational and even on these essential equipment was missing. The attack was delayed until
3.30 am when battery commanders were told to open fire.

 

At 4.20am, the second flying bomb landed in a field behind Mizbrooks Farm, Cuckfield in Sussex. The blast blew open the door of a pig-sty in a nearby smallholding and pigs were running everywhere. The third clattered on towards London and the fourth flying bomb came down at Platt, near Borough Green. It crashed in the back garden of a very large house and "made a terrible mess of two rows of greenhouses".  

It was the third bomb which caused the first V1 fatalities. It landed at
4.25 am on the railway bridge over Grove Road in Bethnal Green. This was the main railway line from Liverpool Street to the north-east of England, via Chelmsford. Two tracks were torn up, the parapet partly collapsed, two houses were demolished and several others badly damaged. The blast injured 30 people and 6 were killed.

 

After many delays and frustrations caused by the Allied advance through Normandy, the Luftwaffe units responsible for launching the next wave of flying bombs finally got their act together and, in the 24 hours from midday on Thursday June 15th, more than 200 missiles were fired.

The men on the anti-aircraft batteries in Kent and Greater London could hardly believe their luck as wave after wave of enticing targets came rattling over, all flying a straight course and all trailing a flaring exhaust. The gunners greeted the monsters with more enthusiasm than accuracy and aimed wildly into the air, cheering madly when the sudden cut-out by the engine seemed to indicate yet another score. "Look", shouted one man, "they're shooting the bastards down like flies."

 

It did not take long for the people of Kent and the men on the suburban batteries to realise that they were now under attack from the first of Hitler's "secret weapons".

 

The comments and writings of those who lived through this period of the war reveal that the dominant memory is the sound of the V1. Londoners would hear the noise of the engine, followed by that terrifying moment when it stopped. The 15-second silence was the hardest to bear. Then came the explosion and the mushroom of rubble and dust thrown high in the air. Hitler's secret weapon, for so long a music hall joke, was no longer amusing.

 

At 4pm on Saturday afternoon, June 17th, rescue parties were rushed to St. John's Hill, Battersea where a V1 had landed in the road, damaging the Surrey Hounds public house, two passing trolley buses and a row of shops. The death toll was 24.

 

By Sunday night, 6 days after the first firing, Flakregiment 155(W) had fired its 500th missile - enough to make the people in southern England think the blitz and the "battle for Britain" had started all over again!

 

The guns of London were withdrawn because, as General Sir Frederick Pile, the head of Anti-Aircraft Command, says in his book Ack-Ack:

... the mere act of hitting ... the Flying Bomb... was of very little use, for all they succeeded in doing was to bring the missile down on to the very target at which it was aimed.

 

An important aspect of using a "revenge weapon" is to tell everybody about its use. The Germans conducted a widespread propaganda and psychological campaign using leaflets and newsletters. Aerial propaganda material has been disseminated by a host of systems. The most common is the aeroplane: other methods include balloons, artillery, mortars, grenades, and small rockets. During WW2 all the combatants fired leaflets at each other mostly by artillery. But the German Board of Ordinance (under General Domberger at Peenemünde) designed and developed small solid fuel rockets that could carry propaganda leaflets about 10 km. The rockets had a container tightly packed with leaflets that were fired against front-line Allied troops in Italy.

 

In the "Diary of a German Soldier", Wilhelm Pruller says:

We got a new gun today with a barrel made of cardboard ... the bullets are propaganda bombs which comprise more than 100 leaflets.

 

Many of these leaflets were about the V1 bombings in England, and how "you boys" would have no home to go back to.

Similar V1 material was distributed to Allied troops in
Europe as well as delivering the stuff to civilians in England using long-range guns firing the canisters from the French coast. But, they also used the V1s to deliver propaganda "messages". They were placed in a small canister, which ejected automatically from a hole near the wing as soon as the engine turned off, thus scattering the leaflets in the area of the explosion.

Examples of the leaflets vary from insults to American Generals, through graphic drawings and pictures (overprinted with large red V1 characters) to cause fear and dismay; to imaginative disinformation about the Allied "atrocity" bombing of German cities; to letters purporting to come from British POWs in Germany.

Desperate measures were used by the Germans to keep up the bombardment. One of these measures was to attach the missile under the fuselage of a Heinkel III and to launch it from the air. By this means, and by flying from
Belgium, the Germans were able to bring the industrial centres in the British midlands within range of the V1.

 

The last phase of the V1 offensive began on March 3rd 1945 when Flakregiment 155(W) launched a few doodlebugs from ground ramps at 3 sites in Holland. Fighter bombers attacked the two of the sites and put them out of action, but the RAF never discovered the Delft site and from here came the closing shots.

 

On March 28th 1945, during the night, 21 V1s were launched but only one managed to evade the guns and fighters and dived to earth in a sewage farm near Hatfield. The last V1 Doodlebug to reach England was launched in the early hours of March 29th from Delft - it was shot down by anti-aircraft fire and exploded in open country near Sittingborne, close to the A2 road.

 

Back in June 1944, Colonel Wachtel had told his men that their hard work was soon to be rewarded: the V1 was a weapon with which they could win the war for the Fatherland. The fact that they failed was due to all those people who stopped the V1s from reaching London - the bomber crews who attacked the factories, the depots and the launching sites - the fighter pilots and the men and women of Anti-Aircraft Command who destroyed the bomb in flight.

 

Colonel Wachtel was driven from his last launch sites in Holland. He retreated to Lunenburg in NW Germany and reformed his troops into infantry to fight the advancing British on the ground. On May 4th 1945, along with other German forces, he surrendered to unconditionally to Field Marshal Montgomery. The men of Flakregiment 155(W) were not tried as war criminals and Colonel Wachtel, at the end of hostilities, secured a post in a different kind of aviation as the manager of Hamburg airport.

Between
June 13 1944 and March 29 1945 a total of 9,251 flying bombs were plotted. Of these 2,419 reached London. The total number destroyed was 4,261 - 1,971 by anti-aircraft fire, 1,979 by the Royal Air Force, 278 by balloons and 33 by the Royal Navy.



Aerial propaganda leaflets have been disseminated by a host of weapon systems and other means. The most common is the airplane; other popular methods include balloons, artillery, mortars, grenades, and small rockets.

.

German General Walter Dornberger  in a letter  said his department of the Board of Ordinance, Rocket Development (WaPrüf II) designed and developed small solid-fuel rockets that could carry propaganda leaflets about 6-7 miles. The rockets had a container tightly packed with propaganda leaflets that were fired against front-line Allied troops in Italy. Dr, Max Kronstein, writing in The Falling Leaf of June 1962, adds: "These small rockets were called Flugblattgeschosse."

In the Diary of a German Soldier Wilhelm Pruller says:

We got a new gun today with a barrel made of cardboard. And it shoots too, as far as two kilometers. The bullets are propaganda bombs which comprise more that 100 leaflets.

 

During World War Two, Germany distributed leaflets over the Allies in Great Britain, Belgium, and Holland using their vaunted "Vengeance weapon," the V1 rocket. These are among the most extraordinary leaflets of the war and on the rare occasion when a genuine V1 leaflet is auctioned for sale, the price can be as high as $400 dollars.


Because of the tremendous losses to the Luftwaffe during the "
Battle of Britain" Germany was looking for a way to terror-bomb London without the loss of valuable pilots and aircraft. In June 1944, the German army began the use of what would called the V1. The 'V' stood for Vergeltungswaffe which meant "vengeance weapon." The V1 was designed by Argus Motorenwerke and the Fieseler Flugzeugbau companies.

They developed this small, unmanned aircraft that could carry a one-ton warhead, and powered it with a new pulse-jet engine design. The pulse-jet engine had just one moving part, a shutter assembly in the front air intake. The flying bomb could reach more than 400 mph. The range of the flight was predetermined and set inside the bomb before it was launched. A tiny propeller on the nose of the bomb was attached to a counter. Every 30 rotations of the propeller would count down one number on the counter. When the pre-set counter reached zero, the air hose from the servo to the rear elevator was automatically cut, a spring mechanism would snap down the elevators, and the V1 would dive to the ground. The V-1 was manufactured at various sites in the Reich, but the main production facility was the notorious underground SS slave-labor complex known as "Mittelwerk" at Nordhausen in the
Harz Mountains. An estimated total of 24,000 V-1s were built in 1944, with as many as 10,000 built in 1945, though quantities tend to vary from source to source.


How were the leaflets distributed? They were placed in a small canister, which ejected automatically from a hole near the wing as soon as the engine turned off. The V1 was equipped with a revolution counter, which shut down the engine after a pre-arranged number of turns. The bomb then went into a steep vertical dive and impact was almost instantaneous.

 

Greg Goebel discusses the various forms of the V1 in an article entitled "The V1 Flying Bomb." He says:

Some of the V-1s were fitted with a radio transmitter and a trailing antenna wire so that their flight could be monitored. In some cases, the bombs were "shadowed" by fast aircraft like the Messerschmitt 410 to observe their flight. A few were also fitted with a cage to accommodate 23 one-kilogram incendiary bombs, or a paper carton full of propaganda leaflets, with the contents scattered by the force of the blast.

 

Pro-German propaganda designed to sap the will of the reader to fight on included: "Some Tips for House-to-house Fighting." Not really tips, the text explains that the Germans have learned from the partisans they fought and the fighting will be horrific. There is a prophecy from a Swedish psychic, "Biggest-Ever Allied Defeats in 1944 – says Swedish Prophet." Curiously, because the British believed that Hitler and many top Nazi leaders believed in prophecy and astrology, they were also producing black literature where various psychics claimed that the predictions of Nostradamus foretold Nazi doom. A third article explains how the German night-fighter pilots take Noctan B, a marvelous wonder-drug that allows them to see in the dark. A final article depicts a German fighter pilot and says "He has shot down more than 300 Soviet planes." All of these subjects are interesting and difficult to ignore.

 

William Joyce, the notorious British pro-Nazi collaborator called "Lord Haw-Haw" stated in his 24 June 1944 radio program Germany Calling:

 

London and southern England have now been under bombardment for more than a week. For nine days, with very little interruption, the V-1 projectiles have been descending on the British capital. May I remind you, the name V-1 has been given to them officially. ‘V’ is the capital letter of the German word ‘Vergeltung,’ which means ‘retaliation,’ and its use to denote the concept of victory must be familiar to nearly all of my listeners. The very term V-1 implies, of course, that Germany has other new weapons which have not as yet been employed against the enemy. That is a fact, and is a fact which even the British Government is beginning to realize.

 

The emergence of V-1 has provided a surprise for Germany's enemies and I believe they will have several other surprises ‘before the autumn leaves fall,’ if I may borrow a phrase which Mr. Churchill used on a certain occasion. Germany's military policy in this war is based not on slogging and on squandering but upon a scientific economy and application of energy, but this is the kind of policy the details of which must never be disclosed before the right time. It can reasonably be assumed that the battle in the East against the Bolshevik foes of civilization will be hard and fierce and there is every reason to believe that the battle in the West against the capitalist agents of Jewish international finance will attain a climax of violence possibly without precedence. But in the closing rounds of this war it will be seen that Germany has conserved her strength to a degree that will confound her enemies.

 

Joyce and his family had originally fled to Berlin from Great Britain on 26 August 1939. Two weeks after the outbreak of war he was appointed Editor and speaker for the German transmitters for Europe at Berlin's Charlottenburg. During his heyday Joyce had almost as many listeners as the BBC. Although Joyce was born in the USA, brought up in Ireland and took German nationality, he was charged with treason at the end of the war and sentenced to death. Joyce was executed on 3 January 1946. He was an unrepentant Nazi to the very end. His last public message reported by the BBC was "In death as in life, I defy the Jews who caused this last war, and I defy the powers of darkness they represent." 

 

Sefton Delmer, Director of Britain's "black" radio operation during WWII broadcast several stories about the inability of the new German wonder-weapon to win the war. Some of this story is told in Black Boomerang, The Viking Press, NY, 1962:

 

We had discovered from prisoners that the German Army nickname for the V-1 was strangely similar to the name the Londoners had given it. London called it the "Doodle-bug"; the German soldiers called it "Der Dödel."  We therefore also called it Der Dödel when the Corporal (code-name for the broadcaster) launched into our first attack on the new morale-booster.

 

His attack took the form of three questions: What has the weapon achieved in its first attack?" What can one realistically expect of it? Does the new weapon provide a solution for our most urgent military problems?

 

To the first he answered: "We don't know, and we cannot know because our reconnaissance aircraft are unable to reach England. Or if they do reach England they cannot get back." On the second, his comment was that whether the Dödel hit an object that was militarily worthwhile was purely a matter of luck, because owing to the lack of any observation it was impossible to correct the range and direction of this missile, which in any case had a high factor of deviation. And then he got to his third point. "Can the Dödel solve out most urgent military problem? Can it stop the Anglo-American supplies from being delivered across the Channel? The Navy and the Luftwaffe have been unable to do so. Can the Dödel do it?" And again his answer, delivered in the style of a staff officer frankly assessing the military situation was, "No. it cannot."

 

Later Delmer mentions that he went even further and attacked the V1 as a waste of manpower and fuel. He reminded the Germans that precious fuel was needed by the Luftwaffe and the German armored divisions to drive the invaders into the sea and to protect the homeland. He invented a phrase and recommended that every time a German saw a V1 overhead he should think 'Da fliegt der Sprit!' ("There goes our fuel!"). Delmer invented a story that Albert Speer, the armaments chief had complained that the men and material used on the V1 project were urgently needed to produce fighters and tanks. He was amazed to find out after the war that Speer claimed to have had the very same thoughts.